Author: Joseph H. Prouser
This issue of Masorti: The New Journal of Conservative Judaism is the second prepared for publication since the October 7, 2023 attacks on Israel. I write these reflections just one day after the heart-breaking funeral of Hersh Goldberg-Polin, who was murdered together with five fellow hostages on the cusp of their liberation. It is my sincere prayer that, by time these words appear in print, all remaining hostages will be freed, and Israel’s war with Hamas will have concluded with the Jewish state’s righteous victory.
Concern for the future of the Jewish state is reflected in several particularly timely articles. Anat Katzir examines the prophetic role of Israel’s Supreme Court. Miriam Berkowitz and Moti Kaplan review classical texts bearing on the redemption of captives and the freeing of hostages. Yuval Katz explores the history of antisemitism in rabbinic discourse. The continuing influence of philosophical and spiritual luminaries Maimonides and Philo, the Baal Shem Tov, and Rav Kook is also discussed herein.
A recurring theme in this issue is the historical tension between Jewish religious and scholarly elites and those on the relative periphery of Jewish communal life. This dynamic—the experience of “the common folk,” or the ʿeirev rav, as our writers frame the issue—is of critical, practical, daily concern to a great many of this journal’s readers.
I am particularly pleased to note that contributors to this issue include those currently engaged in active rabbinic leadership and academic life, together with emeriti and a rabbinical student!
Finally, continuing our practice of republishing important articles from past issues of this journal’s predecessor, our Yashan Noshan section features Professor Mayer I. Gruber’s 1980 article on the poetic liturgical passage, Attaʾ Qidashtaʾ. His brief article exemplifies how critical scholarship uncovers the compelling and timeless truths our textual tradition offers us, which is the very essence of this journal’s mission. His essay presciently addresses itself to “an era plagued by an ecological crisis brought about by humankind’s assumption that it is the crown of Creation.”
May all the ills that plague us be healed and resolved with dispatch.
Joseph H. Prouser is rabbi of Temple Emanuel of North Jersey in Franklin Lakes, New Jersey, and editor of this journal.
Living A Letter from Israel
I was asked to write this letter about one month into the war but was also asked to write as close as possible to publication, so that the letter would be timely. Rabbi Joe Prouser, editor of this esteemed journal, wisely knew that Israel in February would be different from Israel in November.
While there still are many similarities, looking back on the last four months feels like reflecting on four years. It’s hard to recall life before October 7, and thinking about everything that has happened since makes me emotionally dizzy. We have gone from sheer horror and intense fear to unsurmountable grief and constant anxiety, to anger and disappointment, to despair and searching for hope, to appreciation of what we have and survivor guilt. With all that and more, we are trying to live. We need to go to work, make dinner, do the laundry and walk the dog—normal things…when life is anything but normal and everything is clouded by sadness and worry for our loved ones.
It’s hard to describe the emotional effort necessary to encompass the dissonance between these opposing states of being. It takes a huge effort just to get out of bed each morning and live, when “living” has become such a taxing experience: listening with dread to the radio on the way to work, hearing the list of soldiers who fell the day before to see if you know any of them, breathing a sigh of relief when the anchor has finished the list because you don’t know any of them but then feeling awful to be relieved while for other families the world has ended, fighting traffic and suddenly realizing that the person who cut in ahead of you might be in a hurry to see a loved one in hospital or a mother rushing to work, having left late because she is single parenting while her husband is in the army, or one of the ninety thousand displaced Israelis still living as refugees—some after losing loved ones to brutal murder or to captivity or to severe trauma—strangers in their temporary city and not knowing how to navigate life, then arriving at work and needing to function normally with mundane tasks and demands. At the end of such a work day you return home to care for your scared and worried children, who—despite your best efforts—have inevitably been exposed to human behavior which no one at any age should ever imagine possible. If you are lucky, your whole family is waiting for you at home. If not, you return to a family having to function without a father or a mother or a grown sibling because they are away at war, and even if everyone is home you might be enjoying one another’s company on borrowed time. My husband, who returned home two months ago after two months of miluim (military reserve duty), has been drafted for another six weeks, scheduled to begin two weeks hence. Not a moment of joy goes by in our family without a dark cloud looming over us as a ticking clock.
The sense of profound sadness and intense dread in which we are all wallowing has yielded a change in how we speak to one another. It has become pretty much taboo to greet one another with any phrase using the word “good”: morning, evening, afternoon, week, month. The greeting Shabbat Shalom is widely used and said intentionally, and the common greeting for ending a conversation has become besorot tovot (we should hear good news). If you make the mistake of asking someone any version of mah shlomkha (“How are you?”) the answer will seldom be the standard “fine” or “great” or even “OK.” Even though normally both the question and the answer are mere pleasantries, at this point in Israel if you ask Mah nishma? (“How’s it going?”) you will likely receive the person’s explanation of how they came to develop the answer they give.
Because we are most definitely not OK.
How are we?
Agility, Solidarity, and “Showing Up”
On the morning of October 7, after a few minutes in our bomb shelter, my family and I were preparing to leave for synagogue when the president of the congregation knocked on our door. She had come to confer whether we should hold services that morning.
“Of course,” I said immediately. “There is a bomb shelter at the synagogue. We will restrain the Simḥat Torah celebrations but this is exactly the time to pray and be together.”
“I’m not sure you know how bad it is,” she replied. “Terrorists are driving around the town of Sderot, and twenty people have been killed.”
Twenty people murdered in a terrorist attack! The number brought back memories of suicide bombings. Indeed, it was horrid. We went to synagogue, where a small crowd gathered. Some congregants who normally wouldn’t had brought their cellphones. There was fear and trepidation in everyone’s eyes, yet it was comforting to be together. I announced that we were going to shorten the hakafot (the festive dancing around the room with the Torah) and sing one mellow song of peace, comfort, or prayer for deliverance for each hakafah. We ended up singing song after song in this manner.
Sirens disturbed our prayers again and again. The entire country was under attack. After running downstairs to the bomb shelter three times, we decided just to stay there and complete our prayers in the bomb shelter. We felt safe in the bomb shelter. Little did we know that the real danger was not one from which a bomb shelter could save you—that from that day on none of us would ever feel fully safe even in our locked home.
We carried down the Torah and all its paraphernalia. We sang and marched sadly around in a circular embrace, and it was surreal and powerful and awful. We wept as we prayed for Israel, for the safety of our soldiers, and for peace. As the news came in through those with relatives in southern Israel, every word in the service became ever so fraught with meaning: ʿOzi vezimrat Yah vayehi li liyshua (“Strength of spirit and God’s song shall be my salvation”), Min hameitsar qarati Yah (“In my distress I call out to God”), and Ana Adonai hoshia naʾ (“Please, God, save us!”)
Those long hours witnessed some of Israel’s most courageous battles, fought not only by soldiers on duty but also by armed civilians, off-duty police personnel, and soldiers on leave or reservists. They surged, unprompted, barefoot and in their undergarments, to the battlefield—a battlefield of homes and kibbutz paths and a music festival (!). Women’s combat units fiercely repelled the barbaric enemy, saving hundreds of lives in the foe’s murderous and torturous path. In minutes, units mobilized to protect the breached border and literally to reconquer entire Israeli villages, blood-drenched home by home, amidst the heavy stench of burnt flesh and climbing over dismembered bodies, some of them booby-trapped.
I will never cease being in awe of the bravery and dedication that leads a person to run toward fire. Not for love of death but for love of life.
By evening that day, we were shocked to learn that the number of people murdered was likely going to exceed the number of soldiers killed in the Second Lebanese War—121. That sounded unreal. How oblivious we were.
The horrific details of the attack—its scope and viciousness—took time to unfold. We cast doubt on the rumor of a couple dozen civilians having been abducted from their homes into Gaza—how could that be true? In reality the figure was over 240! As the days passed, reports came in of many hundreds more murdered—entire families, elderly who could not hold the saferoom door handle shut, parents slaughtered in front of their children…and bodies that remained unidentified weeks later, despite forensic teams working full force around the clock, because they were so disfigured.
Funerals with no bodies, because the bodies had been taken to Gaza; temporary burials; shiva on the heel of shiva; staggering evidence of sexual violence…. As the proportions of this atrocity were revealed, I found it hard to fathom the blindly unchanging attitude of our critics. How could those who condoned the attack on October 7 itself not adjust their response in the slightest, in the light of what had become known by October 14? Do information and reality really carry so little weight in molding opinion?
A refreshing agility of thought is surfacing in Israel. We have lost faith in constants; while terrible and disconcerting, this is also humbling. We all know in theory that reality can change in a moment, but for us in Israel radical and instantaneous change has become part of our daily routine. As a result, many of us are reconsidering truths and cultural norms, rearranging priorities, as our values take on new proportions and perspectives. Israelis are finding renewed appreciation of one another, bringing to the fore values of devotion, dedication, selflessness, and mutual support. Classical political “Right” and “Left” are wavering. While obviously not all change is desirable, I find this reexamination of paradigms to be inspiring and liberating.
The biblical verb for changing one’s mind stems from the same root as the word nehama (“comfort, consolation”), as in Genesis 6:7: ki nihamti ki asitim (“for I regret that I made them”). The rabbinic verb for reconsidering is nimlakh, from the same root as melekh (“king”). Our heritage conveys the important message that flexibility of thought and ability to change paradigms are divine traits, charged with connotations of leadership and consolation.
Toward the end of that dreadful Shabbat, my husband (47) received a call. At that point we were answering the phone, which we normally wouldn’t on Shabbat, anxious to hear that our daughter, who serves in a combat unit on the Egyptian border, was okay, and dreading the ring because it might mean otherwise.
He answered the phone, and on the line was a recording demanding that he depart immediately for his unit’s base in the North. He is an infantry soldier, who has continued to volunteer for miluim since his official discharge at age forty.
Our children broke down in tears, knowing only a fraction of the horrors that had occurred that day and of the war that lay ahead. With sobbing and fearful children and a wife lying—as it turns out—to herself and to them that it would only be for a few days until things calmed down, my husband packed his army equipment and drove off.
Later that night my daughter called to say they were being deployed to the Gaza envelope to guard the kibbutzim there and to search for terrorists who were still at large. From that moment on I stopped breathing.
With a husband serving on the Lebanese border, still under attack since October 8, and a daughter serving on the Gazan border, I needed to worry about the safety of my three children with me at home. We live in a neighborhood of Jerusalem that borders on two hostile East Jerusalem neighborhoods, home to several known Hamas terrorists. The police do not enter these villages without army accompaniment. For the first few weeks we heard shooting from the villages every night. Six days into the war our neighborhood went into lockdown because of information about shooting near our home. My nighttime routine included locking the porch doors with the small latch that separates us from the outside, and pulling down the blinds (we have no bars), thinking this might give us another ten to twenty seconds to find a place to hide when terrorists come to our porch with guns. I did not let my children sleep in rooms in the side of the house facing the other direction because they have no blinds, so a rifle could be inserted directly into the room through the bars. Such were the considerations and calculations of mothers in Israel every night: How do I protect my family while alone, afraid, and the only weapon at my disposal is my common sense?
One late, sleepless night I wrote to the listserv of women rabbis around the world about how we were doing. At 2 a.m. I described how my type-A personality had me convinced that if I was awake and aware I could protect my soldiers with my thoughts, and therefore I could not go to sleep and leave them unprotected. The outpouring of support that ensued still brings me to tears. A dear colleague wrote lovingly, from a distant time zone, “You can go to sleep, Chaya. I am awake, I will take the night shift.”
As others followed suit I found myself sobbing. I realized that we are a people who cannot be defeated; a people who makes sure there is always someone awake to protect the fold. Perhaps this is another way of reading the verse Hineih lo yanum velo yishan Shomer Yisrael (“Behold, the Keeper of Israel shall not sleep nor slumber,” Psalm 121:4).
The level of stress and distress in Israel is overwhelming. So many families are missing loved ones; 136 abductees hang between life and death; scores of thousands of children are scarred for life, some having to cope without the embrace, guidance, and protection of parents; thousands of men and women will never heal from the smells and sights they encountered as victims, relief forces, or forensic specialists; hundreds of thousands of Israelis for the next six or seven decades will carry wounds, some of them visible, others not. The list of pain and damage goes on and on.
Everyone is hurting. So, who will help whom? And yet…somehow there is an outpouring of initiative, kindness, compassion, and resilience among Israelis and from Jewish communities around the world, offering all sorts of assistance to families of victims and abductees, to evacuees, to soldiers and their families, to the families of fallen or wounded soldiers…you name the need, someone has created a situation room to help. People have opened their homes and given of their time, money, and talents with immeasurable generosity. This is a glimpse of the Israel we once knew, of the sense of peoplehood we recall sharing with diaspora Jewry—and it is refreshing and centering.
Sanctifying Life
We are still in the thick of a difficult war. At this moment 136 abductees are still being kept hostage in Gaza. Even now, four months into the war, Hamas continues to fire missiles at civilian populations in Israel. Its military power has been diminished but not annihilated. Israeli evacuees still cannot return safely to their homes. Our soldiers are fighting a battle unprecedented in its complexity, because the enemy does not distinguish between civilians and soldiers—neither among us (every male over eighteen is a potential soldier, and all civilians are a fair target) nor among their own people. They disguise themselves as, are embedded in, and hide behind civilian populations. The IDF aims to fight only against military combatants, not civilians, but sometimes it is hard to tell the difference, especially when our soldiers find a weapon stash under a baby’s crib, or when missiles are launched from within a school or a hospital.
The IDF strives to hold itself to a high moral standard and to condemn any wanton malice—a difficult task when faced with such criminal warfare. I have heard firsthand from soldiers who wrote letters of apology on the walls of ruined Gazan homes, although unfortunately there are those who fall short of that standard. In what seems to be a redefining moment in the IDF ethos, its challenging mission is to save Israeli lives while upholding its commitment to morality of the highest standard, inspired by the sanctity of life.
Sanctifying life means recognizing the value of Palestinian lives, too; acknowledging them as parents, as siblings and spouses, as home owners, as people who need stability, security, and faith in the good, just like anyone else. Gazan families are suffering terribly, too, many of them also displaced from their homes, in mourning, and afraid. It is hard for some of us—even for peace activists—to summon such compassion at this point in the war. It is also hard for us, knowing that the lives of our relatives serving in the war are put at greater risk for the sake of protecting Hamas’s human shield. That, too, is a part of how we are. Some Israelis are capable of such magnanimity. Others are still very much inside their shells, too fraught with pain to think about others’ well-being right now.
In this entangled reality we look at our young soldiers, perhaps our children and grandchildren, in awe at their stamina, determination, and dedication—traits we were not sure this young, comfortable generation necessarily had. We pray for their safety, but we are also proud of their readiness to put their lives on the line to protect our nation, and we encourage them to do so.
Parents face a terrible conflict. No parent in their right mind would knowingly encourage their child to put their life at risk, but moments like these with existential ramifications also make you think about how “life” is not only breath and pulse, but also direction and inner strength and purpose.
On one of my many dark, late nights I made the mistake of engaging in a Facebook correspondence with an October 7 denier. After a long futile exchange, she ended with “Free Palestine,” and I replied with ʿAm Yisraʾel ḥai (“the People of Israel lives”). I am proud that in juxtaposition to the genocidal call to rid Israel of its Jewish inhabitants, the Israeli “slogan” for this war is an expression of peoplehood and life—death only when necessary to serve the value of life, and life in spite of death.
The sentiment “We love death as you love life” has been expressed by terrorists such as Mohammad Sidique Khan and Osama bin Laden and is quoted proudly by members and supporters of Hamas. Its champions assume that since Islamic terrorists are eager to die they are untouchable by the Western world, whereas Westerners are weakened by their love of life, because at war they have everything to lose.
Israelis have a strange combination of loving life but also being willing to die for it. It is an approach deeply rooted in Jewish heritage: Life is to be protected at all cost, even at the price of transgressing all of the mitsvot; all but the prohibitions of murder, incest, or idol worship—representing extreme harm to others, or to our spiritual identity. We do not aspire to martyrdom, but we are willing to endure it if our spiritual existence is threatened: our loved ones, our people, and our right to live freely as Jews.
Dying for life is a paradox, and for that very reason it holds a strength and depth of meaning and purpose that neither component alone can provide. That is why we will prevail.
ʿAm Yisraʾel ḥai.
Rabbi Chaya Rowen Baker is Dean of the Schechter Rabbinical Seminary (SRS) in Jerusalem. Ordained by SRS in 2007, Rabbi Rowen Baker served as the rabbi of Kehillat Ramot Zion in French Hill, Jerusalem, for sixteen years and headed practical rabbinics training at SRS for seven years. Rabbi Rowen Baker was the first Masorti rabbi—and the first female rabbi—ever to be invited to teach Torah at Beit Hanasi, the Israeli President’s residence.
Reviews
Weaving Prayer: An Analytical and Spiritual Commentary on the Siddur, by Jeffrey Hoffman. Ben Yehuda Press, 2024
The siddur, the Jewish prayerbook, has inspired Jews for as long as it has existed. The prayers of the siddur express the yearnings, aspirations, and tribulations of the Jewish people and articulate our relationship to God through words of praise, gratitude, faith, supplication, and confession.
In our age, however—particularly, but not exclusively, in the liberal denominations—two impediments exist that challenge the modern contemplative reader’s ability to appreciate and derive meaning from the words of the siddur. The first is a conception of God as a binary choice, what Arthur Green in his new commentary on the siddur, Well of Living Insight: Comments on the Siddur (2023), calls “the simplistic either/or of personified theism versus atheism (‘do you believe in God, the old fellow in the sky, or not?’).” The second is the difficulty that the modern reader has in relating to the prayers of the siddur and the concept of God they express. The vast majority of the material in the traditional siddur is centuries, if not millenia, old, and as such expresses ideas and beliefs about God that can feel antiquated. As a consequence, many people simply turn off to organized prayer and avoid statutory communal prayer experiences, thereby robbing themselves of the profound rewards that can be gained by engaging with the siddur.
Enter Jeffrey Hoffman’s invaluable new book, Weaving Prayer: An Analytical and Spiritual Commentary on the Siddur. This companion to the prayerbook addresses both of these impediments and brings an entirely fresh and much-needed evaluation of the siddur that speaks to the modern worshipper and would-be worshipper. The book systematically goes through the siddur, offering scholarly analyses of the daily, Shabbat, and festival prayers that draw on Hoffman’s extensive knowledge and research as a liturgist. His analytical commentaries, while academically rigorous, are accessible, and they reflect the masterful teaching and communicating skills that I experienced as Hoffman’s student. Utilizing a vast array of sources, both traditional and academic, he situates the tefillot (prayers) in their historical context, offering innovative, well-reasoned insights into their origins and development. Additionally, he provides thorough literary analyses of the prayers, treating them as the poetic formulations that they are. The extensive notes (helpfully presented at the bottom of each page) will appeal to those wanting to go even deeper.
The analytical commentary alone would make Weaving Prayer a valuable addition to any library. But what makes it invaluable are the spiritual commentaries. In these, Hoffman unpretentiously faces the impediments mentioned above with intellectual honesty and a profound respect for the reader. For each tefillah, Hoffman suggests at least one alternative reading that speaks to a modern spiritual sensibility, opening up new understandings of prayers that never resonated or had grown stale. In the first blessing of the Amidah, to cite but one example, Hoffman suggests that invoking our patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob—our fellow clan members—creates “a personal and direct connection with God at the very beginning of this central prayer” by reminding worshippers that their own family has “worshipped this God for hundreds of generations.”
The spiritual commentaries guide the reader to new approaches to the prayers. But, in a larger sense, they demand that readers reconsider their own relationship to tefillah in general. In the spiritual commentary on Pesuqei dezimra, Hoffman lays out this spiritual thesis: “We all benefit when we try to attune ourselves to the simplest, most direct question to be asked of any prayer or prayer service; in what way does this, or could this, connect me to God, to the transcendent? And to the extent that it does not serve this goal, we can ask ourselves what we can do to improve our spiritual experience with this prayer or prayer service.”
To this end, Hoffman is unafraid to confront controversial aspects of our liturgy. In discussing “the Chosen People idea” as expressed in the festival prayer Attah veḥartanu, Hoffman writes, “scholarly integrity…requires that I express what the blessing actually says as opposed to what we might wish it to say.” Rather than sanitizing or offering apologias for difficult passages like those that express hostility or vilify “the non-Jewish Other,” he faces them head-on, unapologetically, confessing his own discomfort with them and at times offering helpful takeaways. As Hoffman himself says in his commentary to Birkat haminim (“Blessing of the Sectarians”) in the Amidah, “the only way to progress toward religious pluralism is to forthrightly identify those portions of our own tradition that expressed intolerance toward other religious outlooks. Only then can Jews request with integrity that other religions honestly come to grips with teachings in their own traditions that vilify Judaism.” Offering an alternative, divergent (and lovely) understanding of that particular blessing (based on a Hasidic teaching) in an attempt to grapple with his discomfort, Hoffman boldly asserts that “channeling the words of this blessing…may be a step toward repairing and healing [it].”
The book’s pluralistic approach, which Hoffman also discusses in the introduction, is another unique feature. Hoffman draws upon siddurim (prayerbooks) from all the major denominations, commenting on innovations from those movements that expand our understanding and appreciation of the liturgy.
Hoffman ends the book in an unexpected manner with a short story that he composed. “A Medieval Kabbalist on the Upper West Side” creatively and charmingly fleshes out the concept of God that he articulated in his introduction to the book. The story presents the reader with an image of God that is not “the old fellow in the sky” as it unlocks much of the spiritual commentary in the book and highlights the overall courageousness of Weaving Prayer.
The overriding aim and intent of this brave and inspiring book is to offer the worshipper ways to experience the prayer and the prayer service in a deep, engaged, and meaningful manner. If, at times, this comes at the expense of normative performance, then so be it. The object is connection and communion with the divine through prayer. This willingness to stray from a strictly traditional presentation of the liturgy and lay out a much broader vision of Jewish prayer is what makes Weaving Prayer such a refreshing and essential contribution to the library of books on Jewish liturgy.
Sam Levine serves as rabbi and cantor of the East Midwood Jewish Center in Brooklyn, New York. He is a graduate of the Academy for Jewish Religion rabbinical program and of the H. L. Miller Cantorial School at the Jewish Theological Seminary.
The Accusation: Blood Libel in an American Town, by Edward Berenson. W. W. Norton, 2019.
On Saturday, September 22, 1928, the chief of police in Massena, New York sounded the town’s fire horn. Barbara Griffiths, the four-year-old daughter of Dave and Marion Griffiths, had disappeared into the woods of Massena, a town of ten thousand residents that borders Canada. Within hours, a search party of hundreds began surveying the woods, looking for the little girl. As the search for Barbara continued, an unknown “someone” started a rumor that the town’s Jews kidnapped and murdered Barbara to harvest her blood for ritual use on the Yom Kippur holiday that was to begin at sundown the next day. Massena was home to approximately twenty Jewish families, including the family of Edward Berenson.
The horrible accusation quickly took hold and was adopted even by Massena’s mayor, W. Gilbert Hawes, who authorized Corporal H. M. (Mickey) McCann, the New York state trooper leading the effort to find Barbara, to begin an investigation into ritual murder. With Hawes’s blessing, McCann interviewed two Jewish residents and even summoned Rabbi Berel Berenglass, Massena’s rabbi, to the town hall for questioning, where, after wading through a menacing crowd of some three to four hundred people, he was asked if “[his] people are offering human sacrifices on a holiday” or if they use human blood (33–34). The rabbi, expressing what the reader is likely feeling as the book unfolds, replied that he was “dreadfully surprised to hear such a foolish, ridiculous and contemptible question from an officer in the United States of America.”
The Jews of Massena began to gather for Yom Kippur services that afternoon, fearing the worst. What would happen if Barbara never returned? Would they be accused of murder? Would there be a pogrom in New York? This threat of violence motivated the president of the local synagogue to phone prominent Jewish leaders in New York City for assistance.
And then it was over. At 4:30 on Sunday afternoon, Just twenty-four hours after her disappearance, Barbara emerged from the woods unharmed, spotted by two teenage girls in a field a mile from home. She had lost her way and fell asleep in the tall grass. She was reunited with her overjoyed parents. Dorothy took Barbara and her sister to New York City to escape the charged atmosphere in Massena. A short story about Barbara’s disappearance and return was written in the local Massena Observer, with no mention of the blood libel. If the Massena press felt the affair resolved, the national media did not; the national press gave “elaborate” coverage to the story. “By early October 1928, the Massena blood libel had been transformed from a strange local event to a huge national scandal.”
In The Accusation: Blood Libel in an American Town, Berenson masterfully retells this story. A professor of history at New York University and a son of Massena, he first heard of this story from his grandparents, one of Massena’s twenty resident Jewish families in 1928. The book is engaging and interesting, and I found it difficult to stop reading once I started.
Berenson not only tells the events of that fall in 1928, he also travels far beyond this local story, linking the Massena incident to larger historical forces. He traces the history of the blood libel from medieval England to modern Europe, showing how this ancient slander reappears in different historical contexts, almost as part of the collective unconscious of gentile Europeans. Berenson provides a history of antisemitism and its development from religious persecution into racial hatred. I found it horrifying to read this pre-Holocaust history, as we know the unspeakable conclusion of this evolution.
His account of Henry Ford’s antisemitism and the nativism that surrounded the 1928 election sadly resonated. Describing Ford and his demagoguery, Berenson writes: “[h]e distrusted elites, urbanites, and intellectuals and claimed to value folk wisdom over book learning, his own hunches over what passed for scientific truth” (144). These words can be written about any number of today’s politicians. Berenson quotes a Democratic politician who claimed that the greatest threat to the republic is “‘the threatened and complete control of government and society by the body of ignorance, prejudice and superstition’ embedded in [Herbert] Hoover’s Republican Party.”
My experience of Berenson’s book would have been different had I closed the pages for a final time on October 6, 2023. Reading it after the events of October 7 had particular resonance. I am neither a historian, a sociologist, or an anthropologist, so I can only speak of my personal experience, but the book made me realize my own fear of violence against Jews and the precariousness of our sense of acceptance in the broader culture. I have never knowingly experienced antisemitism, yet, like the Jews of Massena (who were much closer in time to the pogroms they feared), I felt that violence was a real and present danger. I was surprised by my own feeling of vulnerability.
The blood libel also seems alive in some of the dialogue and protest around the war in Gaza. Hamas’s false accusation that Israeli forces killed hundreds of Palestinian civilians while bombing a Gazan hospital was instantly reported as fact by the international media, including the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal. These false accusations of intentional killing of innocents by Jews had real consequences. I have seen placards showing Bibi, wearing a Hitler mustache, devouring a Palestinian child. The world seems all too eager to accept that the IDF is prosecuting this war with a bloodlust. Berenson’s description of the blood libel and its reappearance in different contexts felt all too relevant.
Jeff Wechselblatt is a lawyer in private practice who lives in the Bronx with his wife and their four children. He has studied at Yeshivat Hakotel and at the Pardes Institute of Jewish Studies. Jeff is an active member of the Conservative Synagogue Adath Israel Riverdale (CSAIR) in the Bronx.
This letter, written a few months after the Yom Kippur War, is the modest contribution of one eye-witness to the recording of a moment in Jewish history fraught with the gravest implications for the future of Israel—the State and the people. On that unforgettable Yom Kippur, none of us could possibly have surmised that our collective fate hung in the balance.
None, except of course, the high command was aware of the depth of the Egyptian-Syrian penetration and the imminent perils it posed. During those first three days, Israeli military censorship saw to it that as soothing a face as possible be put on a desperate situation by our media. Once more, it was a case of eyn baal haness makir benisso. This time, the inexplicable saving wonder was that the Egyptians and Syrians, having once broken through the thinly-manned Israeli defenses, did not maintain their momentum. Instead of plunging ahead towards the heartland of Israel, they halted their advance long enough for Israeli forces to mobilize and rush to the front.
But of all this, we on the home front, were happily unaware. For us, Yom Kippur day dawned with skies as unclouded as our hearts and minds. True, there had been a newspaper item on the previous Thursday to the effect that Egyptian and Syrian troops had been noted massing on the borders. Such notices, however, were fairly regular occurrences and had heretofore proved nothing more than false alarms. That Yom Kippur morning, on my way to shul in Netanyah (where I was conducting services for the local Conservative congregation), the sight of three Phantoms flying north failed to recall the relatively small item in Thursday’s paper. The sight merely evoked some astonishment that the Israeli Air Force would dispatch a routine flight on Yom Kippur. Those planes were just about the only machines in motion one could see that Yom Kippur morning in Netanyah or, for that matter, anywhere in Israel. From my seat in the synagogue which looked out upon one of Netanyah’s main thoroughfares, not a car or taxi was to be seen all morning. The total quiet of Yom Kippur had descended on the town, as it had over all Israel.
At two in the afternoon—the fateful hour—as previously announced, our musaf service ended. There would be a three-quarter of an hour recess before Minḥah. As I left the synagogue with a few friends for a brief stroll, I noticed, to my amazement, clusters of people huddled around transistor radios as well as a sudden movement of traffic. (I knew, of course, that Israel’s radio broadcasting goes off the air on Yom Kippur.) To my incredulous question about what had happened, I got the answer that at ten minutes of two, the Egyptians and Syrians had attacked in force.
Within minutes, a police patrol car went through the streets with its loudspeaker blaring, calling on the populace to turn on their radios. Taxis were soon racing through the town with hastily drawn signs in their windshields: besheyrut tzevai, in Army service. Their drivers were handing out mobilization orders. I saw several men receive them on the street. As they did, they went back into their homes, reappearing in a few minutes garbed in their army uniforms and carrying their guns. With a hasty farewell to their families, they were on their way to the predesignated assembly points to await the trucks or buses that would take them to their units at the front. One noticed a growing number of men in uniform going to the assembly points, most of them accompanied by a mother, a wife and, in some instances, their children. (Some wag remarked that it was the first time in history that Jewish women sent their menfolk off to war on an empty stomach.) To judge from the remarks I overheard, the mood was one of grim seriousness spiced by a supreme confidence as to the outcome of the war: “We’ll finish them off in three days.” That mood was to be echoed by both Dayan and Elazar in their speeches that evening on television.
A much diminished congregation reassembled for Minḥah. People were glued to their radios to catch the news, which was now being broadcast every fifteen minutes. (For the duration of the war, Kol Yisrael was to be on the air twenty-four hours a day, broadcasting news every hour on the hour.) By the beginning of neilah, the synagogue began to fill up. During the service, I noticed several women enter and whisper something to their respective husbands. The latter, thereupon, removed their talleitim and left. Obviously, their wives had brought the message that their husbands had received a call-up notice.
At 5:00 p.m., the gabbai informed me that we would have to vacate the building and remove all our paraphernalia by 6:00 p.m. The building—the local headquarters of the Gahal Party—would be taken over by the army at that time. I had planned to conclude neilah at 5:42 p.m. (strange, how such details remain starkly sketched in one’s memory, as if the events of the afternoon were things one would never forget); however, the service was not destined to continue to that time. Precisely at 5:30 p.m., we had our first air raid alarm. I instructed the Cantor to proceed immediately to the Shema. We rose, blew the Shofar and with a lusty cry—leshanah habaah beYerushalayim habenuyah—the entire congregation, the men still wrapped in their talleitim, proceeded to the adjacent shelter. The tension was palpable. I asked the cantor to lead us in singing kadsheynu. The kavanah in the shelter, I suspect, was even more genuine than it had been in the synagogue. In about twenty minutes, the all clear sounded and we emerged to face the blackout that was to last for eighteen nights.
Sunday morning, after an 8:00 a.m. air raid alarm, I was driving back to my home in Jerusalem. The road was lined with soldiers on their way to army bases. Every ten or fifteen kilometers, I was stopping to pick them up or drop them off. Ordinarily, the parting greeting to a soldier to whom you have given a “tremp” is “kol tuv.” Under the circumstances, I felt it singularly inappropriate. In a few hours, these boys would be under fire. So, as they left, I called after them, shetachzor beshalom.
My car radio informed me that the hospitals in Jerusalem were calling for drivers with cars. I made straight for Shaare Zedek. Yes, they could use me to transport hospital personnel to and from the hospital. Overnight, public transportation, including most taxis, had all but disappeared. The army had mobilized thousands of buses and drivers.
For the next two weeks, I lined up with my car at the tiny transportation office of the hospital and conveyed doctors, nurses and patients. I learned that at the outbreak of the war, the hospital had been cleared of all but critically sick patients in order to make room for the expected war casualties. The latter were not slow in arriving. In the courtyard that fronts the hospital, a squad of white-coated teenagers wearing kippot—volunteers from a Jerusalem yeshivah—awaited their arrival, ready to serve as stretcher bearers. Late Sunday afternoon, the first contingent arrived. To transport them from the Jerusalem airport, where they had been brought from the front by helicopter, commercial panel trucks had been pressed into service to supplement the few ambulances available.
The casualties brought to Shaare Zedek were the relatively lightly wounded. Most of them were discharged after a week or so. According to Zahal regulations, they were entitled to some days of relaxation at the army rest home in Netanyah. Most of them refused to go and insisted instead on returning to their chevrah at the front line. One fellow—the story made the newspapers—had some surgery and in a few days was ambulatory. Anxious to return to the line, he put on a coat over his pajamas and walked out of the hospital. He had been wounded on the Golan and by hitchhiking managed to get back to where he had been stationed. To his dismay, he discovered that his unit had in the meantime been transferred to Sinai. Undaunted, he hitchhiked to Sinai and rejoined his unit.
Perhaps the following small incident reflects the spirit of Israel’s essentially civilian soldiery. On the day after Yom Kippur, the police were suddenly flooded with reports of stolen cars. Investigation revealed that the cars had not been stolen but merely borrowed by men anxious to get to the front. The cars were found on the Golan and in Sinai, some of them with notes reading: “Excuse me, but there was no other means of transportation. Thanks for the use of your car.”
With such spirit animating the army, it was no wonder that our civilian population responded in kind with an avalanche of volunteers. Within a few days, one could see the following sign on the main entrance to Hadassah: “Sorry, we can not use any more volunteers. Thanks.” The story going the rounds was that one needed “protekziya” to get a volunteer job.
It was not, however, in service alone that the Yishuv responded with a tremendous outpouring. On the third day of the war, the government announced a Compulsory War Loan, beginning with seven per cent of one’s monthly salary. Two days later, a Voluntary War Loan was launched. In my bank, I found that I had to stand in line to buy war bonds. I could not help but overhear the transactions of the two women ahead of me. One had come to buy a war bond for a hundred lirot; the other made a purchase for two hundred lirot. These people, and thousands like them, were obviously scraping the bottom of the barrel. As of this writing, upwards of five hundred million lirot has been raised by the Voluntary War Loan; this is in addition to the Compulsory Loan.
Life in blacked-out Jerusalem was far from normal. Virtually all men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five had disappeared from the streets. Suddenly, there was plenty of parking space in downtown Jerusalem. At nightfall, the streets were deserted. The few bus lines still operating stopped running shortly after dark. Restaurants, movies, concert and lecture halls were closed. If one had to go out at night, one walked with a searchlight in hand. Most of us stayed home in the evening to listen to the radio and watch television.
Between the hourly broadcast of the news, the radio treated us to a twenty-four hour flow of music. I now know the words of every Israeli hit song of the past ten years. If they had read Tanakh instead of playing popular music, I might conceivably know the Bible by heart, for like most Israelis, I became a radio addict and would jump out of bed at three or four in the morning to catch the news. Aside from remarkable reportage from the front, the television also treated us to impromptu entertainment.
For two hours every night, the radio served as the means of communication for many families to their menfolk at the front. The messages ran something like this: “Chayim X: Your mother has returned from the hospital and is recuperating nicely after her operation.” “Yosef Y: Your wife had a baby boy. Weight three kilos. Mother and child doing well. Mazal Tov.” “David Z: Where did you leave the keys to the car?”
Communication between the front lines and the home front was twoway. Within forty-eight hours of the outbreak of war, mobile phones were installed at the front and soldiers were telephoning home to inform their families that all was well. However, thousands of Israeli families have yet to acquire telephones. Spontaneously, business firms and organizations inserted ads in the newspapers giving their phone numbers and informing the soldiers at the front that they could call any hour of the day or night and their message would be relayed to their families by messenger. In this bizarre fashion, the old irrefragable Jewish value of strong family ties surfaced and found expression. The war transformed us from a people notorious for its lack of civility into one mishpachah, deeply concerned for one another and touchingly eager to help one another.
The early days of the war found Jerusalem rife with rumors as to the number of casualties. The first official announcement, on the eighth day of the war, came as a thunderclap. Anxiety and tension gave way to collective grief as we learned whose son or husband would not be coming back. In the States, the government informs families of fallen soldiers by telegram: “The Secretary of Defense deeply regrets,” etc. In Israel, the fearful news is brought by volunteer committees of at least three people. Usually, the committee includes a doctor or psychologist who, of course, tries to cushion the blow. The committee does more than inform the family. It stays as long as necessary. Later, some member of the committee returns for the shivah.
The mood at this moment? Concern, anxiety, depression. But there is something else. And on that something else our whole future may hinge. Nothing expresses it better than a small item in the paper. The senior classes of the high schools of the kibbutzim have presented an appeal and a petition to the Minister of Education requesting that their studies be accelerated so that the current school year be terminated by this coming Pesach. “In the present situation,” the students write in their appeal, “we cannot go on with business as usual as if nothing has happened or is happening. We are all anxious to enter the army as soon as possible or perform some other service in these days of national emergency.”
Can such a people be defeated?
Rabbi Theodore Friedman (1908-1992) was a congregational rabbi from 1931 to 1954 and Rabbi Emeritus of Congregation Beth El of South Orange, New Jersey from 1954-1971. He served as president of the Rabbinical Assembly (1962-1964), Chairman of the Committee on Jewish Law and Standards (1951-1954), and, after making Aliyah, as first chairman of the Israel RA’s Va’ad Halakhah. Rabbi Friedman held a Ph.D. from Columbia University and taught on the faculties of the Jewish Theological Seminary, The Schechter Institute of Jewish Studies, and the Seminario rabinico latinoamericano named for his son-in-law, Marshall T. Meyer. Rabbi Friedman served on the editorial board of this journal’s precursor, Conservative Judaism.